[Editorial] Egypt’s revolution

Posted on : 2011-02-01 14:11 KST Modified on : 2011-02-01 14:11 KST

Anti-government demonstrations in Egypt calling for the resignation of president Hosni Mubarak are reaching a peak. Mubarak, who has ruled the country with an iron fist for the past three decades, undertook a cabinet reshuffle and pledged political reforms last weekend in order to calm the protests, which have continued for several days. His efforts, however, did not reap the anticipated results. The demonstrators, who took to the streets after being spurred on by the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, have declared that they will continue on until Mubarak steps down, and they have formed a consultative group to establish a save-the-nation government centering on former International Atomic Energy Agency director general Mohamed El-Baradei. Meanwhile, with a string of anarchic incidents such as prison breaks and looting breaking out while the military forces stationed in major cities have merely looked on, the country’s notorious police have been stationed once again through the streets in the name of preservation of public order. The popular revolution in Egypt is now at a crossroads between relatively peaceful success and tragic bloodshed, with some expressing concerns that the government has created a pretext for a forcible suppression.
The key to a solution lies with the Egyptian military government and the United States. Ever since it assisted former President Gamal Abdel Nasser in toppling the country’s monarchy, the military has been the backbone of political power in Egypt. Since the demonstrations began, it has maintained a twofold approach. In contrast with the police, who incurred wrath with their bloody suppression of demonstrations, the military has avoided actively blocking the protests, and thus succeeded in winning popular hearts and minds for the time being. At the same time, major military commanders have appeared on television with Mubarak and given the impression of supporting him. The protestors are now demanding of the military that it pick one: Egypt or Mubarak.
More attention is focusing on Washington’s role in the situation that has arrived at this point. The United States sends about $1.3 billion dollars a year in military aid to Egypt, and major corporations in the military-industrial complex such as Lockheed Martin have concessions there. Washington is in a position to wield considerable influence on the military government in Cairo. It needs to send a signal so that the Egyptian government does not go against the people’s hunger for democracy.
Of course, the idea of an Egypt without Mubarak may be troubling for the United States. He has, after all, been a key companion in Washington’s Middle East policy, which regards the security of Israel as paramount. But quashing Egyptians’ desire for democratization after decades of suppression is not desirable for Washington’s long-term interests or those of the international community. There is a grave danger that thwarting the democratization drive could empower fundamentalists who depend on terror tactics, and lead to greater instability in the region and throughout the world. We hope that the United States does not repeat in Egypt the foolishness of supporting the military government that quashed the Gwangju Democratization Movement in the 1980s, which had the effect of delaying South Korea’s democratization and generating anti-U.S. sentiment.
  
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