hankyoreh

An interesting phenomenon is unfolding in the Osaka area, Japan’s second economic center: the so-called “Hashimoto phenomenon.” In elections held a few days ago, Toru Hashimoto, the 42-year-old president of the Osaka Restoration Association, and his associate, unknown 47-year-old politician Ichiro Matsui, breezed into the posts of Osaka mayor and Osaka Prefecture governor, respectively. Anti-Hashimoto campaigns from the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, Liberal Democratic Party, and even the Japanese Communist Party had no effect. One of the most notable aspects of this election is the way the established parties wilted away completely.
Contributing to Hashimoto’s dominating win was the frustration of Osaka’s working class over a lack of jobs and worries among the public about the absence of political leadership. Voters seem to have had the impression that established parties did not have the power to quiet these feelings and offer hope, but Hashimoto did. Observers say his enormous popularity has less to do with his policies than with his being perceived as the only one capable of turning things around. Japanese voters are worried about the way the country’s economy has stagnated while China and other Asian economies have boomed. In the latest elections, they were asking the questions, “Can this be good for Osaka, or Japan in general?” and “Is change possible?” Hashimoto, an attorney and television personality blessed with a gift for speaking and logic, pledged to make this happen.
In the election, which seemed to divided people into warring camps over the simple issue of their like or dislike for Hashimoto, some saw parallels with the “theater politics” of Junichiro Koizumi, who in past years forced a choice between “for reform” and “against reform.” This argument is founded in a sense of deep concern about the Koizumi brand of “barren excitement” and populism that made a lot of noise but failed to actually change anything and, indeed, only contributed to accelerating the country’s slide.
The Hashimoto fever, based as it is in frustration with politics as usual and worries about the country’s future, is similar in some ways to the strong wave of support for Ahn Cheol-soo in recent months. But there is a fundamental difference. Hashimoto smacks strongly of right-wing nationalism with his calls for arming Japan with nuclear weapons, citing concerns about China, and even his enacting an ordinance that punishes teachers and students for not standing up during public school events to sing the “Kimigayo,” Japanese national anthem and symbol of the militarist Japan of the past. This is the most worrisome aspect for South Koreans. There has even been talk about a new party bringing together the Osaka Restoration Association with right-wing politicians like Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara. If right-wing nationalism is the outlet Japan is looking toward after its long economic slump, it is the worst that could happen not just for Japan but for other Asian countries as well. 　　
　
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