hankyoreh

Blue House Chief of Staff Im Jong-seok visits with South Korean special forces dispatched to the UAE’s ‘Akh Unit’ on Dec. 10. Opposition politicians said that Im’s visits to the UAE raised doubts as to whether there were problems regarding exports of nuclear power reactors that had been contracted by the Lee Myung-bak government. The Blue House reported that the purpose of the trip “was to deliver a handwritten letter from President Moon designed to enhance the strategic relationship between the two sides.” (provided by Blue House)

The interpretation of Blue House Chief of Staff Im Jong-seok’s visit to the United Arab Emirates as being tied to military support discussed by the two sides during the Lee Myung-bak administration (2008–13) is gaining credence. Indeed, the UAE is known to have previously demanded high-level military cooperation from Seoul ahead of its selection of an operator for the Barakah nuclear power plant.

Nothing about the discussions was made public at the time apart from the deployment of special forces. Given the complex political situation in the Middle East, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on any type of military support that would provoke nearby countries – including Iran, which is in a conflict with the UAE – could have a negative impact not only on diplomatic issues but also exports and company activities.

“There’s an issue that spans both the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye [2013-16] administration – a special case of collusion by the nuclear power mafia and defense mafia,” a senior ruling party lawmaker said of the UAE controversy in a Jan. 2 telephone interview with the Hankyoreh. Justice Party lawmaker Kim Jong-dae reported the existence of a “military MOU that was signed in exchange for the nuclear power plant order but not reported to the National Assembly.”

“Apparently, the UAE raised some issues after the last presidential election because they weren’t properly addressed under the Park administration,” Kim said, adding that the deployment of special forces was “part of the military MOU.” An opposition lawmaker who served on the Hannara Party’s defense committee at the time of the Dec. 2009 nuclear power plant order and Jan. 2011 deployment reported having “heard talk about there being a behind-the-scenes agreement.” (The Hannara Party was the forerunner of the Saenuri Party, which in turn was the forerunner of the current Liberty Korea Party.)

The situation just before the nuclear power plant order on Dec. 27, 2009, provides strong circumstantial evidence that the two sides did discuss wide-ranging military support linked to the order. At the time, the country seen as most likely to win the construction project was France, which had a close military cooperation relationship with the UAE. Then-French President Nicolas Sarkozy proposed the construction of an air force base and provision of French-made fighter aircraft.

In a telephone conversation early that November, Lee worked to win over Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan; also notable were visits to the UAE soon thereafter by then-Minister of National Defense Kim Tae-young on Nov. 17–20 and 23–26. Speaking before the National Assembly National Defense Committee on Nov. 11, 2010, Kim said the UAE had “initially asked for too much and asked around 40 questions, including ones on the deployment of troops.”

“The President said we should ‘try actively cooperating,’” Kim recalled.

The details have some analysts suggesting the nuclear power plant order was made possible by a promise of military support to equal what France offered. After the deployment, defense exports to the UAE rose by over 30 times to 1.2 trillion won (2011–16). The administration explained that past military cooperation with the UAE was intended to provide education and training for special forces and to protect the nuclear power plants and South Korean nationals using domestically produced weaponry. But defense industry sources said the scale of weapon exports alone suggested “something more.”

Some also allege weapon exports that were not disclosed by domestic defense companies.

“Because the situation in the Middle East is so sensitive, you can’t announce weapon exports without government approval,” explained a source at one defense company.

In response to the claims, a senior Blue House official said, “I don’t know what happened with what contracts under past administrations, but I can say with confidence that it has nothing to do with Chief of Staff Im’s visit.”

The Ministry of National Defense also acknowledged reported UAE visits by the Navy Headquarters information and operations chief of staff and Joint Chiefs of Staff military support headquarters chief in November and December ahead of Im’s visit on Dec. 9–12, which it said were intended to “encourage overseas troops.”

By Park Byong-su, senior staff writer, and Choi Ha-yan, Seong Yeon-cheol, staff reporters

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