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President Yoon Suk-yeol shakes hands with key figures from the UN Command at an invitational roundtable on Aug. 10, 2024. (from the presidential office website)

Political opponents of South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol have pilloried his foreign policy as “ahistorical” and “groveling,” particularly when it comes to Japan. Addressing Yoon’s lack of references to Japan’s historical wrongdoings during his celebratory address honoring National Liberation Day on Aug. 15, former lawmaker Yoo Seong-min called it “really strange and uncanny.” 

When questioned about Yoon’s Liberation Day speech, Kim Tae-hyo, the principal deputy national security adviser, replied, “What’s important is what lies in the hearts of the Japanese people,” hinting that forcing an apology from Tokyo would be unproductive.  

There have been no reports that Yoon reprimanded or disciplined Kim for such comments. 

There are various interpretations of Yoon’s skewed perception of South Korea-Japan relations. Some of them say that to counter the threat of North Korea, there is no alternative to fortifying Seoul’s trilateral cooperation with Washington and Tokyo. This is the position parroted by Kim Tae-hyo. Even before his appointment under the Yoon administration, Kim declared that South Korea needs to make the US and Japan its closest partners when it comes to the survival and security of South Korea. 

Kim has consistently asserted that South Korea, the US and Japan voicing united opposition to North Korea would bolster deterrence and decrease the chances of Pyongyang doing something rash. He has also argued that reconciling South Korea-Japan historical disputes would be much easier if the two countries built a mutual foundation of trust based on national security. 

“The increasing severity of the threat posed by North Korea seems to have convinced Yoon and Kim that trilateral military cooperation with the US and Japan is absolutely necessary, the top priority, and that historical disputes need to be put on the back burner for the sake of national security,” said a former government official who worked in foreign affairs and national security. 

Regarding the Yoon administration’s tilt into an increasingly Japan- and US-friendly stance since the president’s inauguration in May 2022, a government official familiar with presidential office affairs commented, “During his interview with the Chosun Ilbo on Aug. 19, Kim asked readers to consider the UN Command-Rear.”

When the interviewer pointed out that increased cooperation between North Korea and Russia was accelerated by South Korea’s trilateral cooperation with the US and Japan, Kim replied, “North Korea, China and Russia would have taken the same route, regardless of whether or not the Camp David summit [in August 2023] happened or not. Cooperating with the US and Japan is a step to tighten our national security apparatus. In the event of a conflict, the UN Commander-Rear in Japan will be our lifeline before reinforcements from the continental US arrive. We need the proactive support of the Japanese.” 

US Army Gen. Vincent K. Brooks (center), the commander of the UN Command at the time, stands for a photo on Jan. 29, 2018, during a ceremony for a change of command in the UN Command Rear at Yokota Air Base, Japan. (courtesy of the US Air Force)

Commenting on Kim’s interview, an anonymous government official said, “Yoon seems fixated on the strategic importance of the UN Command-Rear. It feels like he’s put all his chips in on trilateral cooperation with the US and Japan and put historical issues on the back burner.” The official pointed to various statements and comments that Yoon has made regarding the UN Command since June of last year. 

“Anti-state forces are calling for a declaration that officially ends the war and dismantles the UN Command.” (June 28, 2023, during a ceremony to celebrate the foundation of the Korea Freedom Federation)

“The UN Command is the platform that guarantees the mobilization of the UN Command-Rear’s seven bases in the event of a conflict on the Korean Peninsula.” (July 27, 2023, during a ceremony to mark the Korean Armistice Agreement)

“The UN Command is a powerful force that protects South Korea, and anti-state factions have been calling for its dismantlement.” (Aug. 10, during a meeting with ranking UN Command officers)

“The seven rear bases provided to the United Nations Command (UNC) by the government of Japan serve as the greatest deterrent which keeps the North from invading the South. A renewed North Korean invasion will trigger an automatic and immediate intervention and retaliation by the UNC, and the UNC-Rear in Japan is sufficiently equipped with necessary land, sea and air capabilities.” (Aug. 15, 2023, National Liberation Day address)

“The UN Command is the source of the military might that defends the Republic of Korea.” (Nov. 14, 2023, a message to South Korea-UN Command defense ministers)

It’s unlikely that you’ll find another president who’s mentioned the UN Command on so many occasions. The role of the UN Command is to preserve peace on the Korean Peninsula by enforcing the terms of the Armistice Agreement and to provide troops and military resources in the event of an armed conflict. In the event of an armed conflict, the UN Command-Rear bases would serve a critical role. 

Some observers say that Yoon, who never expressed much interest in diplomacy or national security as a prosecutor, experienced a eureka moment when he first encountered the awesome military power of the UN Command-Rear. 

“If it’s the case that he wasn’t aware of the UN Command-Rear before, then he wouldn’t have been aware of its importance in South Korea’s defense,” said a general. 

UN Command Rear bases. (from the UN Command website)

Among the 89 bases of US Forces Japan, the UN Command-Rear’s seven bases comprise four bases on the main island of Honshu (Yokota Air Base, Camp Zama, US Fleet Activities Yokosuka, and US Fleet Activities Sasebo) and three bases on Okinawa (Kadena Air Base, Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, and Naval Base White Beach). 

The UN Command-Rear plays a vital role in providing reinforcements from the continental US in the event of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula. It is the launchpad from which US Forces Japan would dispatch troops to Korea as well as the logistics point for receiving troops and supplies from other UN Command member nations. UN Command-Rear is where the US would regroup and plan a counteroffensive. In 2007, Gen. Burwell Bell, the commander of the UN Command at the time, said that if the UN Command-Rear in Japan is inaccessible or disabled, for whatever reason, then a US-led multinational counteroffensive on the Korean Peninsula would be impossible.

There is a chance that Yoon is late in the game in becoming aware of the importance of the UN Command-Rear, and has come to think of it as a national security panacea. Yet the UN Command-Rear also provides a route for Japanese troops to occupy Korea, making it a double-edged sword.

From the US’ standpoint, an organic linkage between the South Korea-US alliance and US-Japan alliance is essential for achieving its Indo-Pacific strategy, with trilateral security cooperation being an important part of that.

In a recently published paper, Korea National Defense University (KNDU) president and former presidential secretary for defense Lim Ki-hoon described UN Command rear bases as a “practical link connecting the South Korea-US and US-Japan alliances.”

A CV-22B Osprey flies over Yokota Air Base on July 2, 2024. (courtesy of the US Air Force)

“Trilateral military supply support and mutual cooperation are essential for the smooth deployment of units and equipment by countries providing military forces in an emergency on the Korean Peninsula, and the UN Command rear bases amount to a link in trilateral cooperation,” he explained.

In an emergency on the peninsula, the US military would use its UNC rear bases in Japan as relay bases as it received reinforcements from the continental US.

In the process, it would need to receive logistical support with areas including roads, ports, airports, and other infrastructure along with ammunition, fueling, and servicing to be able to send troops and equipment to the peninsula. This would be impossible without the cooperation of Japan.

In such a scenario, the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) would be expected to take on roles including rear support and surveillance for US troops moving into the peninsula; fueling and other logistical support; and sweeping of mines in the waters near the peninsula.

If the JSDF performs escort duties for the US Navy as it is mobilized on the peninsula or follows vessels with military supplies, there is a strong likelihood that its troops could end up entering the peninsula.

The matter of the JSDF’s potential presence on the peninsula was a source of controversy even when the US and Japan reached an agreement on new Guidelines for Japan-US Defense Cooperation in April 2015. At the time, the issue was resolved with a statement that the JSDF could not enter the peninsula without the prior agreement of the South Korean government.

Currently, the scenario of a JSDF presence on the Korean Peninsula is contingent on the approval of the South Korean government, rather than being an outright impossibility.

Given the existing linkages among the UNC rear bases, USFJ, and Japan, what decision would Yoon make in an emergency on the peninsula as someone who believes that there is “no alternative” to trilateral security cooperation by South Korea, the US and Japan?
 

References

“Factors in the Revitalization of the UNC and Its Strategic Value,” Lim Ki-hoon, Korea National Defense University

“A Study on Strategic Value of US Forces Japan and UN Command Rear Base,” Park Jong-keun and Bang Joon-young, Military & Culture Association of Korea-Japan

By Kwon Hyuk-chul, staff reporter

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